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Secretary-General’s remarks at press conference upon arrival in Kingstown Airport, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines

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29 February 2024

Ladies and gentlemen of the media,

Let me first of all, express my deep gratitude to Prime Minister Gonsalves for having invited me to participate in this CELAC Summit and to intervene in the opening session. But this visit goes beyond the participation in a Summit. It’s a visit in which I would like to pay a few tributes and to express a deep solidarity.

The first tribute is to Latin America and the Caribbean as a continent of peace, in a world where we see a proliferation of wars and conflicts of all kinds. Today, I was shocked to know that, in another episode of the war in Gaza, 100 people that were queuing to receive humanitarian aid were killed.

I think that a situation like this would require an effective independent investigation to detect how it was possible and those responsible for it. And at the same time, there is the reported number of more than 30,000 civilians that have died in Gaza since 7 October, making it an unprecedented number of civilians killed in a conflict since I have been Secretary-General.

Now, in this context, to see Latin America and the Caribbean as a continent of peace, and to see that when a problem arises, and recently we had one with two neighbours, Guyana and Venezuela, there is a mediator that emerges and is able to bring the parties together and to avoid a conflict. And so, I want to pay tribute to Prime Minister Gonsalves for his permanent role, always very attentive to any possibility of conflict, and his engaged, active and effective mediation, as I also have seen in relation to his very strong commitment to the solution of the problems in Haiti.

And paying tribute to him, I want to pay tribute to the courage, the resilience and the solidarity of the people of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. When the volcano exploded, and when this island and its population faced the dramatic tragedy, I could witness the way this country was able to mobilize everything. The solidarity of the people, the courage of the people, the determination of the people – that is something that is an example for all of us, everywhere. And once again, I want to express my enormous appreciation for what was done in the immediate response and in the reconstruction that followed.

But I also want to express a deep solidarity to the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. Many of the economies of the continent are in deep trouble. When COVID-19 devastated the world, the truth is that developed countries, like mine, in the European Union, were able to print money in large quantities, to support their people and to support their economies.

Countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, the overwhelming majority could not print money because, if they would have to print money, their currencies would suffer enormously. And so, they had to borrow in order to solve the problems of their people and their economies after COVID-19. And we see now so many economies in this continent drowning in debt, and we see that an unfair, ineffective, and outdated international financial architecture has proven unable to support these countries in this moment of distress. To make things worse, with the war in Ukraine and with other impacts, prices went up, interest rates went up. The impact on their economies has been terrible. But many of the economies of the region are middle-income countries, and middle-income countries have no access to concessional funding, and they have no access to debt relief that is effective.

It’s time for a reform or our international financial institutions. It’s time for a new Bretton Woods movement in which developing countries can see an international financial system able to address the enormous challenges that they face.

And the last word of solidarity is for Small Island Developing States. They are on the front lines of the fight against climate change. They are the ones that suffer more with the impacts of climate change, and they have not contributed to climate change. But even not having contributed to climate change, they are also on the front lines of adopting the measures of mitigation to reduce emissions that are, of course, very limited from the beginning, but to show their solidarity with the world. And it is absolutely essential that there is not only a much bigger ambition in relation to the reduction of emissions. And that is essentially a responsibility of the G20 countries that represent 80 per cent of the emissions. But we need much more climate justice. Which means much more finance available at reasonable cost for adaptation and mitigation for developing countries, and in particular for Small Island Developing States.

And so, this is the moment to recognize that countries of Latin America and the Caribbean that have been victims of an unfair international financial system, and that many of them in particular are victims of a runaway climate change, have the right to claim for the reforms that are necessary in order to create the conditions for their governments to be able to act providing their peoples with the response to the needs that need to be addressed. Because it is absolutely unacceptable that lack of investment in education, or in housing, or infrastructure, is the price paid for an unfair international financial system in the moment of a global multiplication of wars and conflicts that represents the threat to international peace and security.

Question: We live in a hemisphere that has a lot of different issues and also we have various types of organizations at various levels? How do you see CELAC playing a particular role including those issues in the hemisphere?

Secretary-General: I’ve always been supportive of integration. Economic integration, political integration, as the key instrument for regions to be able to allow their countries to cooperate more strongly and cooperating more strongly to be able to better defend the interests of their people. So I believe that CELAC is an extremely important tool to push for a progressive economic and political integration in the Latin American and Caribbean world.

Question: July 6, 2023 you spoke on two issues. And you mentioned that to address the problem in Haiti a budget of about $720 million was needed, but at the time of your address in Trinidad and Tobago only 23 percent of that financing was collected. How much of that financing has been collected and how much is needed to bring peace to Haiti?

Secretary-General: I think that in Haiti we need three things. First: we need effective, political progress for a political solution.

Second: we need a security system that allows to end domination of the gangs and the criminality that is destroying the country. And I hope that an international force for which I fought will be able to soon be in Haiti, but we also need much more international support from the humanitarian and economic point of view.

Indeed, the humanitarian appeal of last year was insufficiently funded. We just launched a new humanitarian appeal and I hope that this time the world will understand that the people of Haiti are suffering so much that at least in the minimum of the minimum that corresponds to the basic needs – there is an effective response of the international community.

That is my strong appeal. But that will not replace the need for a political solution and the need for establishment of security.

Question:  You were talking about Haiti. I wanted to ask about the CARICOM Summit. They arrived with a date for elections on 2025. What’s your opinion about this?The second question is related to climate justice that you were talking about and this need for a reform of the financial system. Is this going to be one of the main issues during the CELAC Summit to talk about? How is it possible to work with them?

Secretary-General: First of all, in relation to Haiti, there was some progress with the constitution of the presidential council, with the checks and balances that were established and with the scheduling of the elections. The problem that we need to be absolutely sure is solved is implementation. And that things are not postponed or that things, or that nobody is dragging his or her feet.

So, we absolutely need now to move quickly in the implementation of what was decided because let’s be clear, you can put as many police forces as possible in Haiti [but] if there is no political solution, the problem will not be solved.

It is not for me to define the agenda of CELAC. But two things I can guarantee – these two issues will be raised by me very clearly in my intervention tomorrow.

And, when we talk about climate justice, we are still waiting for a meaningful availability of resources for the loss and damage fund.

We need much more than what was promised. We need a clarification of how the adaptation funding will double, and commitment that should emerge of making 50 per cent of international funding on climate for adaptation. We need to clarify once and for all how the $100 billion that developed countries have promised per year are implemented.

And we need to do the reforms in the way international financial institutions work – both the need to increase their capital level and the need to change their business model in order to be able to mobilize much more resources and to attract private capital at reasonable cost for support of developing countries in climate action.

Question: Over the years, a number of resolutions have been passed by the United Nations Security Council. How much of a hinderance towards achieving peace in a number of regions, the latest is what’s happening in Gaza, how much of a hinderance is the veto power of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council?

Secretary-General: The geopolitical divides that unfortunately have been aggravating in the recent times have transformed the veto power into an effective instrument of paralysis of the action of the Security Council.

In a world where those geopolitical divides would not exist, probably things would be easier. I remember the 1990s in which there were not many vetos.  But the truth is, in the present situation, with the deep divides that we that we are witnessing among the main powers, the veto power became, indeed, an instrument of paralysis of the Security Council, and an instrument that limits its capacity to address the crisis, the dramatic crises we are facing.

One example. I’ve been claiming for months that we need a humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza, as we need the immediate and unconditional release of hostages. Until now it was not possible to have the Security Council adopt this position. And when one sees the incident that I mentioned – about 100 people that were killed – we see how important this humanitarian ceasefire [would be.] 

There are, of course, negotiations that are taking place and I wish success for those negotiations – to be possible to have the release of a number of hostages, to be possible to have an interruption in the fighting – but I am totally convinced that we need a humanitarian ceasefire and we need the unconditional and immediate release of hostages and that we should have a Security Council able to achieve these objectives.

ENDS

Bahamas News

CARICOM Targets Affordability as Bahamas, TCI Continue to Feel the Pinch  

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By Deandrea Hamilton

 

Cheaper shipping. Lower energy costs. Better access to healthcare. Stronger consumer protections.

Those are among the measures CARICOM Heads of Government believe could finally begin reducing the stubbornly high cost of living for millions of people across the Caribbean.

Meeting in Saint Lucia, regional leaders agreed that making life more affordable must become one of the Community’s highest priorities. Their emerging strategy includes reducing freight costs through a regional ferry service, accelerating renewable energy projects to lessen dependence on imported fuel, expanding regional healthcare partnerships, strengthening consumer protection, and encouraging governments to adopt successful cost-of-living measures already being implemented across the Caribbean.

“Our discussions over the past four days were guided by one central objective – ensuring that CARICOM delivers results that people can see and feel in their everyday lives,” CARICOM Chairman and Saint Lucia Prime Minister Philip J. Pierre said.

Few places may welcome that relief more than The Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos Islands.

Although inflation has moderated in both countries from the sharp increases experienced following the pandemic, the cost of living remains stubbornly high. Families continue to complain about grocery bills that stretch household budgets, rising housing costs, expensive electricity, healthcare expenses and fuel prices that remain among the highest in the region.

Governments have responded.

In The Bahamas, successive reductions in Value Added Tax on selected goods and other targeted tax measures have sought to ease pressure on consumers. In the Turks and Caicos Islands, the Government this weekend opens applications for its $500 Cost of Living Relief Programme, acknowledging that many households continue to struggle despite the country’s economic success.

Yet affordability remains elusive.

The contradiction is difficult to ignore.

The Turks and Caicos Islands continues to post one of the region’s strongest tourism-driven economies, with robust investment, record visitor spending and sustained construction activity. The Bahamas has also strengthened its economic position, earning improved sovereign credit ratings as tourism, government revenues and fiscal performance continue to recover.

Yet those encouraging economic indicators have not translated into noticeably lower household expenses.

The reason is largely structural.

Both The Bahamas and the Turks and Caicos Islands produce relatively little of what they consume. Food, fuel, medicines, vehicles, building materials and countless household essentials are imported. Both countries also record significant trade deficits, illustrating their dependence on overseas suppliers. Every increase in global shipping costs, fuel prices or supply chain disruptions is eventually reflected in supermarket prices, utility bills and the cost of everyday living.

That is why CARICOM’s agenda matters.

If regional leaders succeed in lowering freight costs through an inter-island ferry network, expanding renewable energy, improving regional cargo movement, strengthening consumer protections and making healthcare more accessible through cooperation, the benefits could extend far beyond government balance sheets.

For Bahamians and Turks and Caicos Islanders, success will not be measured by another tourism record or another credit rating upgrade. It will be measured at the supermarket checkout, on the monthly electricity bill, at the gas pump and in the simple ability to afford a better quality of life.

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Caribbean News

From Pathways to Investment: Tackling the US $6 Billion Food Challenge for the Caribbean

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By Kenroy Roach

The Caribbean’s food systems challenge is fast evolving into a broader development challenge.

Despite decades of policy attention and investment, the region remains one of the most food import-dependent in the world, spending over US$6 billion annually. At the same time, countries continue to grapple with food insecurity, high rates of diet-related non-communicable diseases, climate vulnerability, and exposure to external shocks that can disrupt supply chains and drive up food prices almost overnight.

For Small Island Developing States (SIDS), food security has shifted from an agriculture focus alone, it’s about economic resilience, health, climate resilience and sustainable growth.

Recognizing this reality, Caribbean governments have elevated food systems transformation as a regional priority through the CARICOM 25 x 25 Plus Five Agenda, which seeks to reduce food import dependence while strengthening domestic production, regional trade, and resilience. Across Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean, governments have also developed National Food Systems Pathways that identify the investments, partnerships, and policy reforms needed to transform food systems and accelerate progress toward the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Yet one challenge has remained persistent: financing.

In the face of high levels of public debt and limited fiscal space, while public investment remains critical, Caribbean governments simply cannot shoulder the financing burden alone. Transforming food systems at scale requires mobilizing far greater private capital, alongside development finance and public resources.

This was the rationale behind the recent convened in Barbados.

The Forum brought together governments, investors, international financial institutions, private sector leaders, regional organizations, and the United Nations around a simple proposition: food systems should be viewed not only as a development priority, but also as an investable asset class.

A distinguishing feature of the innovative gathering was its focus on attracting private investment—particularly private equity, impact investment, and blended finance solutions capable of supporting businesses and infrastructure across food value chains. By helping enterprises access growth capital and connecting investors with scalable opportunities, the initiative sought to unlock financing that complements public investment rather than adding to already constrained public balance sheets.

A key outcome was the launch of a regional Deal Book comprising approximately US$320 million in investment opportunities across seven countries, spanning agriculture, fisheries, agro-processing, logistics, and strategic food systems infrastructure. The Deal Book created a practical bridge between capital seeking opportunities and opportunities seeking capital, while enabling direct engagement between governments, enterprises, and investors.

The results were encouraging.

Across four sector-focused deal rooms, participants explored investment-ready and near-investment-ready opportunities and discussed blended finance private equity, risk-sharing, and partnerships to advance projects toward implementation.

The Forum highlighted a shift in perspective: food systems are now seen as strategic drivers of economic diversification, resilience, competitiveness, and growth. Investments across production, processing, logistics, and distribution can strengthen regional supply chains, create new businesses, generate jobs, and reduce vulnerability to external shocks.

For the United Nations, this experience reinforced an important lesson.

Transforming food systems requires more than the technical expertise of individual agencies. It requires integrated solutions that connect agriculture, nutrition, health, climate resilience, trade, private sector development, and financing.

This is where the Resident Coordinator System plays a critical role.

Across Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean, the Resident Coordinator Office has united UN system capabilities around a common food systems agenda. Working with FAO, WFP, the UN Food Systems Coordination Hub, and other partners, the RCO has helped align policy support, technical expertise, partnerships, and financing with nationally identified priorities.

The Forum demonstrated this integrated approach by convening governments, investors, development finance institutions, private sector actors, and UN agencies around a common objective. It showcased the UN’s comparative advantage as a trusted broker capable of connecting development priorities with investment opportunities.

The Forum’s success will be measured not by dialogue generated, but by investments mobilized, businesses expanded, and progress made toward resilient, competitive Caribbean food systems across the Caribbean.

Its most important outcome may therefore be what comes next.

The work starts now.

Kenroy Roach is Head of the UN Resident Coordinator Office for Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean

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Caribbean News

Returning Haitians Could Be the Answer Haiti Has Been Praying For  

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Deandrea Hamilton | Editor

What if we rejected the notion that Haitians flourish best only when they are outside of Haiti? What if the next great Haitian success story is not another exodus, but a hearty homecoming? For years, the conversation has been steered toward ushering Haitians out of Haiti. Having witnessed the indomitability of the Haitian people, I feel compelled to point out that a U.S. Supreme Court decision may force us to see what has been staring us in the face all along: the solution may be hundreds of thousands of Haitians themselves.

As thousands of Haitians in the United States prepare for the end of Temporary Protected Status (TPS)—a humanitarian programme created under U.S. law as a temporary protection, not a permanent immigration pathway—the conversation should extend beyond American immigration policy. It should turn to Haiti’s future.

History offers perspective. An estimated 20,000 to 30,000 Haitian revolutionaries defeated Napoleon’s forces and secured independence in 1804, making Haiti the first Black republic and the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere. Now imagine the force of more than 300,000 Haitians returning with skills, discipline and experience gained in the world’s largest economy.

Add to that, Haiti is itself sending a clear message: the country needs its people.

I found a report from the Armed Forces of Haiti (FAd’H) which recently announced that 17,722 applicants came forward in just 11 days during its latest recruitment campaign. A second recruitment phase is planned and will specifically target professionals in law, engineering, medicine and other technical fields, as the country works to strengthen institutions, restore security and prepare for the future.

Coincidentally—or perhaps providentially—many of the Haitians now facing the end of TPS are not returning empty-handed. They include thousands of nursing assistants, caregivers, mechanics, delivery drivers, warehouse workers, agricultural workers, hotel employees, cooks, retail workers, security officers, landscapers, school assistants and property managers. They are returning with years of experience gained inside the world’s largest economy. They have learned trades, embraced innovation, worked within structured systems, met professional standards and developed the practical skills every successful nation depends upon.

These are not simply returning migrants.  They may be the human capital Haiti needs most.

For generations, Haitians have become experts at surviving and thriving in other lands. They have endured political upheaval, natural disasters, poverty, insecurity and displacement with extraordinary resilience. But survival and escape  cannot build their nation. At some point, survival must give way to rebuilding. And hope for home must command action. It requires people willing to invest not only in their families, but in the future of the country itself.

For decades, the Haitian diaspora has faithfully sustained families through remittances. That generosity has been indispensable. But rebuilding Haiti will require something remittances alone cannot provide. It will require human capital—teachers in classrooms, nurses in clinics, engineers on construction sites, entrepreneurs creating jobs, police protecting communities, judges strengthening the rule of law, and citizens committed to rebuilding the institutions that hold a nation together.

Anyone who has spent time in Haiti knows it is far more than the headlines. It is a nation of breathtaking mountains, secret waterfalls, fertile valleys and rice paddies. It is a land of remarkable creativity, deep faith, natural entrepreneurs, rich culture and resilient people. It is the oldest republic in Latin America and the Caribbean and the first Black republic in the modern world. Above all, it is a country worth fighting for.

Perhaps the fight itself now needs to change.

For too long, the world has defined Haiti by its crises. Haitians know it by its promise. The next fight should not simply be to survive, but to rebuild—to inject a new generation of skilled workers, professionals and entrepreneurs into a nation that desperately needs their mental muscle, their experience and their vision.

Returning home will not be easy, but what if returning became rewarding and the contribution of these thousands of Haitians became the catalyst for transforming or reforming the nation they call home?

No country can export its builders forever and expect to become stronger. Haiti has spent decades sharing its greatest resource with the world—its people. Perhaps the next chapter in Haiti’s remarkable story is not another exodus, but this very homecoming.

The next chapter of Haiti’s story should not be written at an airport departure gate, nor should it be framed only as horror for those whose TPS protections are ending. The real test now is whether advocates, attorneys, governments and the wider Caribbean do more than wave goodbye. We must help more than 330,000 Haitians find their footing, settle back in, put their skills to work and build the Haiti that generations of Haitians have always deserved.

Research & Development supported by ChatGPT AI

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