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British Turned SIPT Corruption Trials in Turks and Caicos into a Costly Farce

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Turks and Caicos, July 18, 2025 – It seems like ages ago now, but not so long ago, the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) looked to the British with hope. And, unlike his predecessors, former Governor Gordon Wetherell justified that hope. He showed the political courage and moral fortitude to trigger the suspension of the TCI Constitution — ending the “political amorality and immaturity and general administrative incompetence” that prevailed under the local rule of Premier Michael Misick.

Wetherell appointed the 2009 Commission of Inquiry, which laid bare the “endemic corruption” of Misick and his cronies. This led to their removal from power and set in motion the investigations that ultimately resulted in their arrests. TCIslanders hoped that, with both constitutional authority and moral duty, Wetherell’s successors would hold these crooks to account. Alas, things fell apart.

Simply put, successive governors stood by as the so-called SIPT trials dragged on for more than a decade, costing TCI taxpayers a mercantile $100 million and counting. Frankly, this legal process has proven as dilatory, incompetent, and feckless as the Commission of Inquiry was swift, competent, and damning. It’s as if we’re living the postcolonial follies and venal administrative hijinks V.S. Naipaul skewered in A Bend in the River.

If anyone had told long-suffering TCIslanders at the outset that:

  • The British would take more than a decade — and tens of millions of our money — to prosecute Misick and his cronies;
  • Most defendants would get off with suspended sentences and court-ordered restitution amounting to only a laughable fraction of what they stole;

We would have said: Don’t bother, man. Spare us the farce, and the bill.

Frankly, justice has not merely been delayed; it has been “drastically” discounted, both literally and figuratively. Of course, Misick and his cronies did what any shameless defendants would: they weaponized every procedural trick, orchestrating endless delays while expert British judges and prosecutors indulged their charade — probably too busy tallying billable hours to notice the sabotage.

We were bewildered and dismayed in equal measure as we watched all defendants make a mockery of the judicial process. I mean, it was like watching a matador tease a blind bull. Yet that paled in comparison with our bewilderment and dismay when Floyd Hall and Clayton Greene were sentenced in October 2023. The TCI’s own Chief Justice declared she was handing down “drastically reduced” sentences because of Hall’s poor health and “significant delays in prosecution.” Their mockery — and the willingness of TCI judges to indulge it — seemed completely lost on her.

Meanwhile, chief crook Misick’s trial concluded recently. Yet, insultingly, the judge is delaying his verdict until October — a timeline that would be untenable in any functioning democracy. Even juries in America routinely hear cases that are far more complex and have no difficulty rendering verdicts within days.

No doubt, everyone expects a guilty verdict. More to the point, after the limp slaps on the wrist for Hall and Greene, everyone expects Misick to get a suspended sentence. After all, with all due respect to the medical profession, why wouldn’t Misick ape Trump by having his doctor declare that (like Hall) he too is in such “poor health” it would be inhumane to make him serve a single day in prison? What’s more, he’ll probably be required to forfeit only a fraction of the hundreds of millions he bragged about looting while premier.

Then, to top it off, everyone expects his automatic appeal to drag out until at least the winter of 2026. Like I said, a complete farce.

Incidentally, former minister Lillian Boyce stands as the moral center of this legal farce. Because she was the only crony with the conscience and integrity to plead guilty, thereby sparing TCIslanders the expense and national embarrassment of a criminal trial.

Boyce’s plea made her a witness for the prosecution whose testimony guaranteed guilty verdicts for any other crony foolish enough to risk trial. Even so, it took five years after the SIPT trials began in December 2015, and 12 years after the Commission of Inquiry’s indictments, for the prosecutors to strike this plea bargain.

That said, it’s arguable that the legions of expatriate judges, “special” prosecutors, and defense lawyers all had vested interests in dragging out these trials. After all, the judges and prosecutors collected exorbitant salaries, while the defense lawyers pocketed hefty legal fees.

Sure, defense lawyers usually rake in the big bucks in criminal cases. But special prosecutor Andrew Mitchell is giving them a run for their money. After all, reports are that he’s still billing the TCI government over £3,000 per day — plus luxury living and travel expenses. No British lawyer ever benefited so handsomely from any criminal case. And this, while the local government struggles to deliver basic public services.

This isn’t just a legal boondoggle; it’s a cynical transfer of wealth from one set of opportunists (our crooked politicians) to another (British hired guns). “Attorneys and investigators in the case are becoming extremely wealthy off the backs of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands.”

But the supreme miscarriage of justice is how the British left long-suffering TCIslanders holding the bag for this costly farce. You’d never know it, but the British retained responsibility for good governance through the appointed governor.                                                                                                                                                      The point is that their man in Turks and Caicos presided over many of the corrupt practices at issue during these trials. Indeed, that’s why Misick’s infamous defense — that the governor signed off on everything — was more than self-serving; it was an indictment of the constitutional colonialism the British lording over “Overseas Territories” represents.

Thus, the British compounded their failure to deliver justice in these SIPT trials by forcing TCI taxpayers to bear the costs. And this, despite a formal submission to the British government making clear that responsibility for funding these prosecutions belongs to the UK, not the TCI.

That submission echoed arguments I made years earlier: the UK’s own failures of oversight, governance, and administrative responsibility made these prosecutions necessary in the first place. In effect, we’re being robbed twice — first, by Misick and his cronies treating our treasury like their slush fund, and then by the British forcing us to foot the bill for prosecutions designed to fail.

This harkens back to the most insidious form of colonial grift — injustice for us, profits for them. A farce so perverse, even Naipaul would have struggled to satirize it.

Anthony Hall

Concerned Citizen

Bahamas News

Rosewood Exuma: A precedent-setting case for environmental law and future development in The Bahamas  

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By Eric Carey, ONE Consultants, former Executive Director of the Bahamas National Trust. 

We are facing an extraordinarily important moment in judicial history in The Bahamas as we await a decision on the trial of allegations in the Yntegra group’s Rosewood Exuma project.

As former Minister of the Environment, Romauld Ferreira, put it in the Supreme Court last week: “A lot is at stake…a  great deal of what will be considered in this case sets the stage for what’s to come for future development in the country.”

In the trial of the judicial review of government approvals given to Yntegra for their Rosewood Exuma resort this week, we’ve heard technical arguments about failure to make key environmental documents like Yntegra’s Environmental Impact Assessment and Environmental Management Plan available to the public, failure of key documents to assess some of the most controversial aspects of the project, an unlawful consultation process, and a failure to conduct further consultation following major changes to the development.

Lawyers for Turtlegrass described how there was a “salami slicing” of the project into chunks as a way to circumvent the approvals process and disguise its full impact from public scrutiny. Only certain portions came before the public and key stakeholders like Turtlegrass and Over Yonder Cay for scrutiny, while some of the most controversial aspects did not. This is particularly problematic given what is at stake – the dredging of a beautiful Exuma bay, the North Bay, to transform it into an industrial shipping channel, complete with an enormous seawall, dock, back-of-house facilities and other industrial infrastructure.

It is unfortunate that it has had to come to this – an expensive judicial review process that calls out the government for falling down on its duties to protect the environment and follow the law – but it is important and the broader implications should not be overlooked. When Justice Leif Farquharson rules on this case, he’ll set a precedent that could echo in The Bahamas for years to come, one that answers the question: are the 2019 environmental laws that Ferreira took to parliament after many years of advocacy by environmentalists toothless tigers that are just for decoration – or are they capable of protecting the environment that we all depend on and the rights of those affected by projects to have a genuine say in them?

What is curious is that at the same time as these points are being raised in court as part of the judicial review, we are seeing personal attacks about Bob Coughlin – the person spearheading this legal action and test of environmental laws – by online trolls. Coughlin, an Exuma resident for almost a decade, has long been established as an environmental advocate and a passionate philanthropist – one who has donated almost $4 million to causes in The Bahamas since 2018, including millions to the organisation I once led, the Bahamas National Trust.

For reasons one can only speculate about, these trolls have been trying to make out all sorts of absurd things: that his legal action in support of environmental protection is a petty dispute born out of fears of competition. That Coughlin no longer even wants to pursue his eco-tourism project, when the reality is that he was forced to put it on hold because of the destructive environmental plans that are in dispute. That he is the only one who has an issue with this Rosewood Exuma resort, when in fact, neighbouring resort, Over Yonder Cay – one of the top rated resorts in the Caribbean – as well as the Save Exuma Alliance – consisting of most of the local islands and businesses in the Exuma area, and thousands of petition signers have expressed their concern with the project – over 9,000 to date. Most ironically, they claim, wrongly, that Coughlin received crown land for personal use, when in fact it is Yntegra who received crown land while having no development track record, when Coughlin instead bought his lease on Sampson Cay from a private owner.

The timing of these claims, in the week of the trial, suggest a patronising and cynical attempt to distract from the gravity of the case being heard, what it represents, and how important this decision is. With their simplistic, jingoistic and factually-dubious references to crown land, white foreigners, and the like – it’s not hard to imagine that those involved are engaged in a ploy to push the buttons of Bahamians who they apparently believe can be too easily distracted into ignoring the real issue here: that the government, has – in the words of those in the Supreme Court this week – “run roughshod” over environmental laws with its approvals for Yntegra’s Rosewood Exuma project and that this is truly a landmark case and the decision will have a long-lasting impact on future development. This is at a time when foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows into the Bahamian economy are forecast to increase by as much as two thirds over the next two years, according to the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).

So I call on my fellow Bahamians to stay focused. This is not a story about one man – it is a story about the future we want for our country and whether we are willing to sacrifice our ability to demand environmental accountability in all developments moving forward. There is too much at stake to be thrown off the track by trolls.

As Ferreira says of the judicial review that now awaits Justice Leif Farquharson’s judgement: “This is the first set of litigation, serious litigation, that takes a deep dive into the Environmental Planning and Protection Act and the environmental impact assessment regulations…There’s a lot at stake here.”

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Born Here, Raised Here, but Still Unable to Vote: Is this a Conundrum for TCI Electorate?

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By Ed Forbes

 

The Turks and Caicos Islands faces a growing demographic and democratic question that can no longer be ignored: What happens to young people born and raised here who reach adulthood without qualifying for Turks and Caicos Islander Status, and what does this mean for our country’s future?

This is not simply an immigration issue. It concerns population growth, national identity, political representation and the future relationship between the people who call these Islands home and the system that determines who can participate in our democracy.

Consider a young person born in TCI, educated in our schools, raised in our communities and now working, paying taxes and contributing to the economy. At 18, that person may hold British Overseas Territories Citizenship (BOTC) but still lack Islander Status and, consequently, the eligibility required to register as an elector.

Section 55 of the Turks and Caicos Islands Constitution Order 2011 establishes the qualifications for voter registration, including the requirement to be a Turks and Caicos Islander. Being born here, growing up here or holding BOTC citizenship does not automatically satisfy that requirement.

Of course, birth in the Islands does not automatically confer Islander Status. The law provides different routes based on parental status, nationality, residence and other qualifying circumstances. We must respect those laws while asking whether they adequately address the realities of a population that has changed considerably over the past two decades.

The numbers make this discussion increasingly urgent.

According to Government population estimates, the TCI population grew from approximately 33,500 in 2011 to 47,674 in 2022. The Government’s 2025 projection placed it at approximately 52,299. That represents projected growth of roughly 56 per cent between 2011 and 2025.

Published demographic information has also suggested that fewer than one in four residents holds Islander Status. A separate comparison of the 2022 population estimate and the 2023 registered-elector list placed registered electors at approximately 19 per cent of the population.

These figures measure different things and come from different years. They should not be confused with the percentage of eligible voters who actually cast ballots. Nevertheless, they raise an important question: How will our electorate evolve as the population continues to grow?

We should not assume that every non-Islander resident is eligible for status, or that everyone without status was born here. Equally, we cannot ignore young people who may have spent their entire lives in these Islands yet remain outside the electorate because they cannot satisfy the existing requirements.

This situation did not begin yesterday. Children born here 15 or 20 years ago are now adults. Some may qualify under existing provisions but need assistance navigating the application process. Others may have no available route under current legislation. We need reliable figures to understand the scale of each group.

With the next general election roughly two and a half years away, the time to act is now.

The Government should not wait until an election is approaching to discover how many people may qualify to register, how many remain excluded and whether legislative changes are needed. Islander Status applications and potential legislative reforms can involve lengthy processes. Any necessary changes require legal examination, consultation and sufficient time for implementation.

I propose that the Government work with the Islander Status Commission, immigration authorities and the Elections Department to conduct a comprehensive review of TCI-born adults who do not hold Islander Status. The review should establish how many qualify under existing provisions, how many have been refused or cannot apply, and the specific legal barriers involved.

Where a lawful pathway already exists, the Government should make it clear and accessible. Where genuine gaps remain, it should consult the public on whether a defined pathway should be established for qualifying individuals born, educated and lawfully raised here, with appropriate safeguards.

This is not a call to grant status indiscriminately or disregard immigration controls. It is a call to examine the consequences of our existing framework and determine whether it serves the long-term interests of the Turks and Caicos Islands.

Let’s face it, a growing migrant population, an ageing Islander community and successive generations of young people whose electoral eligibility may be restricted present questions that deserve serious, evidence-based consideration.

We cannot change the past, but we can decide whether to confront this issue today or leave it for another generation. I strongly believe, voting eligibility is more than a right; it is a pathway to inclusion and a stake in our country’s future.

The question is no longer whether this deserves public discussion. It is whether we are prepared to begin in time to make informed decisions before the next election and beyond.

The clock is ticking. Let us establish the facts, examine the law and find a fair, lawful and sustainable way forward.

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Letter to The Editor

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(STOCK PHOTO)

“PNP Healthcare Ministers Carrying on Tradition”

By Randy Ewing

There are several areas that are critical to the everyday quality of life and standard of living in any civilized country: healthcare, economic development, adequate infrastructure, public safety, and education. Yet, as Sabrina Green highlighted in her recent article, there remains a troubling reality in the Turks and Caicos Islands: too often, our own people—particularly qualified Turks and Caicos Islanders—are marginalized when decisions are being made about the future of our country.

I want to focus specifically on healthcare.

Under the current PNP administration, several ministers have held responsibility for the healthcare portfolio, including Hon. Jay Saunders, Hon. Shawn Malcolm, and now Hon. Kyle Knowles, who is also my cousin.

I am not writing this because I expect anything to be handed to me. I am writing as a Turks and Caicos Islander and as a healthcare professional who has spent more than 26 years working in the healthcare industry.

My efforts to offer my expertise to the government were never motivated by money, political ambition, or the expectation of special treatment. They were motivated by something much simpler: giving back to the country that produced me.

I am from the soil.

I am from Blue Hills, Providenciales. I know our people. I know our culture. I understand our eating habits, the history and circumstances behind those habits, the foods that are locally available, and the realities that many families face when healthier food choices are more expensive or less accessible.

Professionally, I bring more than two decades of healthcare leadership and consulting experience. I hold an MBA with a concentration in Health Administration. I am a Lean Six Sigma Black Belt with a healthcare concentration and a change-management specialist with healthcare experience. Over the course of my career, I have held leadership positions and worked with organizations including Memorial Hospital, Aetna Health, and Blue Cross Blue Shield, as well as within the U.S. federal government. I have also provided consulting services to healthcare organizations, municipalities, cities, states, and organizations throughout the Caribbean.

I share this not to boast about my credentials, but to make a simple point:

There are Turks and Caicos Islanders who have spent decades acquiring knowledge and expertise that could be valuable to the development of our country.

Why aren’t we listening to them?

I understand that the government has engaged outside consultants to provide advice and expertise. There is certainly a place for specialized external expertise. But I believe we must also ask an equally important question: What measurable improvements have these investments produced for the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands?

Our healthcare challenges remain.

Our people continue to face serious health issues. People still have to travel overseas to obtain medical treatment. Families continue to worry about whether the healthcare system will be there when they need it. And many residents remain concerned about whether they are receiving the quality, accessibility, and affordability of healthcare they deserve.

So I ask our leaders: Where are the measurable outcomes?

Where is the long-term strategy?

What is the plan for developing sustainable healthcare capacity within the Turks and Caicos Islands?

And, perhaps most importantly, why aren’t more qualified Turks and Caicos Islanders being brought to the table?

This is not an argument against outside expertise. It is an argument for including our own people alongside it.

We know our communities in ways that an outside consultant cannot immediately know. We understand our history. We understand our culture. We understand the socioeconomic realities that influence health. We understand what people eat, what they can afford, what resources are available locally, and the barriers that prevent people from living healthier lives.

That knowledge matters.

Healthcare policy cannot exist only on paper. It has to work for the people who actually live here.

As the Turks and Caicos Islands continue to grow and prosper economically, we must also ask whether that prosperity is translating into better health outcomes and a better quality of life for our people.

Economic growth means little if our people cannot access adequate healthcare.

Infrastructure means little if our healthcare infrastructure cannot meet the needs of our population.

And progress means little if our people continue to believe that they must leave their own country to receive the care they need.

Minister Knowles, I respectfully ask you—and every minister and policymaker responsible for healthcare—to listen to the Turks and Caicos Islanders who have spent decades developing expertise in healthcare.

Listen to the professionals who have returned home with knowledge.

Listen to the people who understand our communities.

Listen to those who are offering their expertise not because they want something from the country, but because they want to give something back to it.

I have made that offer.

My experience, my education, and my professional knowledge are not simply credentials on a résumé. They represent more than 26 years of learning, leading, solving problems, and working to improve healthcare systems.

And I believe that expertise should have a place in the conversation about the future of healthcare in my homeland.

The Turks and Caicos Islands belong to all of us.

Our healthcare system belongs to all of us.

And our people deserve a healthcare system designed around their needs, informed by evidence, strengthened by expertise, and built with meaningful participation from the very people who call these islands home.

It is time to stop asking whether our people are qualified enough to contribute.

It is time to start asking what we are losing by not listening to them.

Our people deserve better.

And those of us who have the knowledge, experience, and willingness to help should not stop offering it.

Marvin Martin, MBA, LBBH, CMS

 

(STOCK PHOTO)

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