Independent writer
British Turned SIPT Corruption Trials in Turks and Caicos into a Costly Farce
Turks and Caicos, July 18, 2025 – It seems like ages ago now, but not so long ago, the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands (TCI) looked to the British with hope. And, unlike his predecessors, former Governor Gordon Wetherell justified that hope. He showed the political courage and moral fortitude to trigger the suspension of the TCI Constitution — ending the “political amorality and immaturity and general administrative incompetence” that prevailed under the local rule of Premier Michael Misick.
Wetherell appointed the 2009 Commission of Inquiry, which laid bare the “endemic corruption” of Misick and his cronies. This led to their
removal from power and set in motion the investigations that ultimately resulted in their arrests. TCIslanders hoped that, with both constitutional authority and moral duty, Wetherell’s successors would hold these crooks to account. Alas, things fell apart.
Simply put, successive governors stood by as the so-called SIPT trials dragged on for more than a decade, costing TCI taxpayers a mercantile $100 million and counting. Frankly, this legal process has proven as dilatory, incompetent, and feckless as the Commission of Inquiry was swift, competent, and damning. It’s as if we’re living the postcolonial follies and venal administrative hijinks V.S. Naipaul skewered in A Bend in the River.
If anyone had told long-suffering TCIslanders at the outset that:
- The British would take more than a decade — and tens of millions of our money — to prosecute Misick and his cronies;
- Most defendants would get off with suspended sentences and court-ordered restitution amounting to only a laughable fraction of what they stole;
We would have said: Don’t bother, man. Spare us the farce, and the bill.
Frankly, justice has not merely been delayed; it has been “drastically” discounted, both literally and figuratively. Of course, Misick and his cronies did what any shameless defendants would: they weaponized every procedural trick, orchestrating endless delays while expert British judges and prosecutors indulged their charade — probably too busy tallying billable hours to notice the sabotage.
We were bewildered and dismayed in equal measure as we watched all defendants make a mockery of the judicial process. I mean, it was like watching a matador tease a blind bull. Yet that paled in comparison with our bewilderment and dismay when Floyd Hall and Clayton Greene were sentenced in October 2023. The TCI’s own Chief Justice declared she was handing down “drastically reduced” sentences because of Hall’s poor health and “significant delays in prosecution.” Their mockery — and the willingness of TCI judges to indulge it — seemed completely lost on her.
Meanwhile, chief crook Misick’s trial concluded recently. Yet, insultingly, the judge is delaying his verdict until October — a timeline that would be untenable in any functioning democracy. Even juries in America routinely hear cases that are far more complex and have no difficulty rendering verdicts within days.
No doubt, everyone expects a guilty verdict. More to the point, after the limp slaps on the wrist for Hall and Greene, everyone expects Misick to get a suspended sentence. After all, with all due respect to the medical profession, why wouldn’t Misick ape Trump by having his doctor declare that (like Hall) he too is in such “poor health” it would be inhumane to make him serve a single day in prison? What’s more, he’ll probably be required to forfeit only a fraction of the hundreds of millions he bragged about looting while premier.
Then, to top it off, everyone expects his automatic appeal to drag out until at least the winter of 2026. Like I said, a complete farce.
Incidentally, former minister Lillian Boyce stands as the moral center of this legal farce. Because she was the only crony with the conscience and integrity to plead guilty, thereby sparing TCIslanders the expense and national embarrassment of a criminal trial.
Boyce’s plea made her a witness for the prosecution whose testimony guaranteed guilty verdicts for any other crony foolish enough to risk trial. Even so, it took five years after the SIPT trials began in December 2015, and 12 years after the Commission of Inquiry’s indictments, for the prosecutors to strike this plea bargain.
That said, it’s arguable that the legions of expatriate judges, “special” prosecutors, and defense lawyers all had vested interests in dragging out these trials. After all, the judges and prosecutors collected exorbitant salaries, while the defense lawyers pocketed hefty legal fees.
Sure, defense lawyers usually rake in the big bucks in criminal cases. But special prosecutor Andrew Mitchell is giving them a run for their money. After all, reports are that he’s still billing the TCI government over £3,000 per day — plus luxury living and travel expenses. No British lawyer ever benefited so handsomely from any criminal case. And this, while the local government struggles to deliver basic public services.
This isn’t just a legal boondoggle; it’s a cynical transfer of wealth from one set of opportunists (our crooked politicians) to another (British
hired guns). “Attorneys and investigators in the case are becoming extremely wealthy off the backs of the people of the Turks and Caicos Islands.”
But the supreme miscarriage of justice is how the British left long-suffering TCIslanders holding the bag for this costly farce. You’d never know it, but the British retained responsibility for good governance through the appointed governor. The point is that their man in Turks and Caicos presided over many of the corrupt practices at issue during these trials. Indeed, that’s why Misick’s infamous defense — that the governor signed off on everything — was more than self-serving; it was an indictment of the constitutional colonialism the British lording over “Overseas Territories” represents.
Thus, the British compounded their failure to deliver justice in these SIPT trials by forcing TCI taxpayers to bear the costs. And this, despite a formal submission to the British government making clear that responsibility for funding these prosecutions belongs to the UK, not the TCI.
That submission echoed arguments I made years earlier: the UK’s own failures of oversight, governance, and administrative responsibility made these prosecutions necessary in the first place. In effect, we’re being robbed twice — first, by Misick and his cronies treating our treasury like their slush fund, and then by the British forcing us to foot the bill for prosecutions designed to fail.
This harkens back to the most insidious form of colonial grift — injustice for us, profits for them. A farce so perverse, even Naipaul would have struggled to satirize it.
Anthony Hall
Independent writer
Questions & Concerns About Integrity at TCI Immigration Department and the Department of Labour / Employment Services
Independent Writer
Turks and Caicos, April 23, 2023
I would like to raise several concerns that many members of the public have noticed regarding activities within the Immigration and Labour Departments. These issues continue to surface, yet no one seems willing or able to address them openly.
There are important questions that deserve clear answers:
- Are there rules and guidelines that govern employees of the Immigration and Labour Departments regarding conflicts of interest?
The public needs to know what policies exist to prevent employees from using their positions for personal or financial gain. -
Can an Immigration or Labour Department employee legally own or operate a company that processes work permits?
If so, what safeguards are in place to ensure fairness and prevent abuse? -
What happens when paperwork from an employee’s private company appears on their own desk for review or approval?
This is a direct conflict of interest. How is this handled, and who ensures the process remains transparent? -
Who is responsible for policing these conflicts of interest?
When government workers operate private businesses that submit documents to the same department they work in, who is monitoring this behaviour? -
Should the Integrity Commission or compliance units be vetting not only Heads of Department but all staff members in sensitive areas?
Oversight should not stop at the top. Every employee with access to sensitive information or decision‑making authority should be held to the same standard. -
Is it okay for former Immigration employees allowed to walk into the department as if they still have authority—processing work permits, demanding special treatment, and behaving as though they still hold the keys?
Once someone leaves government employment, the privileges of that office should end.
These concerns represent only a small portion of what the public is seeing. We are expected to follow the rules, yet some individuals continue to bend or break them for personal benefit. Without accountability, there can be no order in our government departments.
Our island is small. People see what is happening, but too many remain silent. It is time to bring these issues to light so that real change can take place.
Independent writer
The Rise of Right-Wing Populism and What It Could Mean for the Turks and Caicos Islands
April 7, 2026 – For nearly a decade, one figure has loomed large over politics in the Western Hemisphere: Donald Trump. Whether admired by supporters or criticized by opponents, his unapologetic political style has reshaped political conversations not only in the United States but across much of the world.
His return to the Oval Office on January 20, 2025, after defeating incumbent Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 election signaled
more than a domestic political shift. It marked the beginning of a renewed U.S. focus on the Western Hemisphere. Recent developments, including a high-profile raid carried out by U.S. special forces that reportedly led to the capture of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, suggest that the Caribbean and Latin America may once again play a more prominent role in American foreign policy.
Another sign of this renewed regional focus was the recent gathering in Florida known as the Shield of the Americas Summit. The meeting brought together leaders from across the hemisphere to discuss security cooperation, migration, and organized crime. However, the absence of prominent figures such as Claudia Sheinbaum and Mia Mottley raised questions about a growing ideological divide in the region.
In many ways, the summit reflected a broader shift. Across parts of the Americas, governments that favor stronger borders, tougher crime policies, and a more assertive national posture appear to be gaining influence. In other words, the language of right-wing populism is becoming increasingly visible in regional politics.
At first glance, many people in the Turks and Caicos Islands might assume these developments have little to do with us. It is easy to view such political changes as issues for the region’s larger powers. But history suggests that would be a mistake.
When the United States shifts its foreign policy priorities, the effects are often felt throughout the Caribbean. The region has seen this before, whether through economic measures, security initiatives, or diplomatic pressure applied to neighboring states such as Cuba.
The reality is that small island territories like ours do not exist in isolation. Our economy depends heavily on tourism, international investment, and regional stability. Migration policy and border management are also closely connected to broader Caribbean and American systems. When political winds shift in Washington, they eventually reach our shores.
The growing influence of right-wing populist politics across the hemisphere also raises an important question: could similar political themes begin to shape public debate here at home?
Populism often gains traction in contexts where there is a demand for policies that support people who feel they lack a strong voice in
national decision-making. Across the Caribbean, these conversations are becoming more common. Issues such as immigration, the cost of living, and government accountability are increasingly central to political discussions.
This does not necessarily mean that the Turks and Caicos Islands are on the verge of a dramatic political shift. Our political culture has traditionally been more pragmatic than ideological. However, global political trends have a way of influencing local politics over time. Campaign strategies, policy debates, and even leadership styles often reflect what voters see unfolding internationally.
Perhaps the more important point is that the Caribbean may be entering a period of increased geopolitical attention. Security cooperation, migration enforcement, and economic partnerships are likely to become more prominent in the years ahead. The discussions at the Shield of the Americas meeting suggest that Washington is once again looking south—and the Caribbean sits squarely within that strategic space.
For the Turks and Caicos Islands, this could bring both opportunities and challenges. Stronger regional cooperation could help address crime and strengthen economic ties. At the same time, it may also bring new political pressures and expectations.
Ultimately, the rise of right-wing populism in the Americas is not just about ideology. It reflects a broader shift in how leaders talk about power, security, and national interest. Whether one supports or opposes these ideas, they are increasingly shaping political conversations across the hemisphere.
And if history offers any lesson for small countries and territories, it is this: global political trends rarely remain distant for long.
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